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While it is true that social systems are engendered by erectile dysfunction nyc discount cialis extra dosage 200mg without a prescription, and dependent upon impotence quit smoking purchase genuine cialis extra dosage line, their respective underlying technologies erectile dysfunction over 80 cheap 40 mg cialis extra dosage amex, it is also true that social systems condition the operation of the technological systems upon which they rest; the relationship is one of mutual erectile dysfunction after prostatectomy buy cialis extra dosage 200mg overnight delivery, though not necessarily equal, interaction and influence. A social system may foster the effective operation of its underlying technology or it may tend to restrain and thwart it. In short, in any given situation the social system may play a progressive role or it may play a reactionary role. We have noted that after the agricultural arts had attained a certain degree of development, the great civilizations of China, India, Egypt, the Near East, Central America and Peru came rapidly into being as a consequence of the greatly augmented energy resources of the people of these regions. According to our law culture will advance, other things being equal, as long as the amount of energy harnessed and put to work per capita per unit of time increases. Marx believed that the ultimate result of the thwarting of technology by society was revolution and the emergence of new social structures. Here, without crediting Marx, White lays out some principles of materialist thinking. Marx had written that the mode of economic production determines the general character of the social, political, and spiritual processes of life. White uses American society in an 240 the Reemergence of Evolutionary Thought the tax-gatherers of the ruling class. The culture history of China during the past few centuries, or indeed, since the Han dynasty, well illustrates situations of this sort. We come then to the following conclusion: A social system may so condition the operation of a technological system as to impose a limit upon the extent to which it can expand and develop. Neither evolution nor progress in culture is inevitable (neither Morgan nor Tylor ever said, or even intimated, that they are). When cultural advance has thus been arrested, it can be renewed only by tapping some new source of energy and by harnessing it in sufficient magnitude to burst asunder the social system which binds it. Thus freed the new technology will form a new social system, one congenial to growth, and culture will again advance until, perhaps, the social system once more checks it. The speed with which man could travel, the range of his projectiles, and many other things, could not have advanced beyond a certain point had he not learned to harness more energy in new forms. With it, and various kinds of internal combustion engines, the energy resources of vast deposits of coal and oil were tapped and harnessed in progressively increasing magnitudes. The limits of growth of the new technology have not yet been reached; indeed, it certain limit. The next question is, Why did not the agricultural arts advance and improve during this time? We know that the agricultural arts are still capable of tremendous improvement, and the urge of man for plenty, security and efficiency was as great then as now. Why, then, did agriculture fail to progress beyond a certain point in the great civilizations of antiquity? The answer is, the social system, within which these arts functioned, curbed further expansion, thwarted progress. All great civilizations resting upon intensive agriculture are divided into classes: a ruling class and the masses who are ruled. But the distribution of these goods is in accordance with rules which are administered by the ruling class. By one method of control or another-by levies, taxes, rents, or some other means-the ruling class takes a portion of the wealth produced by the masses from them, and consumes it according to their liking or as the exigencies of the time dictate. In this sort of situation cultural advancement may cease at a certain point for lack of incentive. No incentive to progress came from the ruling class in the ancient civilizations of which we are speaking. To obtain more wealth the ruling class merely increased taxes, rents, or other levies upon the producers of wealth. This was easier, quicker, and surer than increasing the efficiency of production and thereby augmenting the total product. White does not quote Marx directly, but the Marxist view of history as class struggle is very much evident in these passages.

T h e evolutionary point of view pr e s u p p o s e s that th e c our se of historical c h a n g e s in the c ultura l life of m a n k i n d follows definite laws which are applicable everywhere erectile dysfunction caused by vyvanse buy discount cialis extra dosage 60 mg line, and which bring it a b o u t that cultural de ve l op me nt is erectile dysfunction pills for heart patients buy 100mg cialis extra dosage with mastercard, in its main lines icd 9 code erectile dysfunction due diabetes purchase cialis extra dosage overnight delivery, the s a m e a m o n g all races a nd all peoples new erectile dysfunction drugs 2014 cialis extra dosage 40 mg with amex. It is true that there are indications of parallelism of d e ve l o p m e n t in different parts of the world, and that similar c u s t o m s are fo u n d in the most diverse and widely separated parts of the globe. On the other ha n d, it may be recognized tha t the hypothesis implies the th ou gh t that our m o d e r n Western Eur opea n civilization represents the highest cultural de velopme nt towards which all other mor e primitive cultural types tend, and that, therefore, retrospectively, we construct an orthogenetic4 developme nt towards o u r own modern civilization. According to him, their argument assumes what it is trying to prove: that historical changes in human culture follow general laws. Boas supported the Darwinian model of biological evolution but was hostile to its application to social evolution. Trained in physics, mathematics, and geography, Boas brought a striving for meticulous scientific methodology to anthropology. Writing in this way, he seems to imply that a rigorously scientific presentation of the data might allow the construction of an ev olutio na ry mo del of hu ma n society. In fac t Boa s s t a u n c h l y o p p o s e d e v o l u t i o n a r y e x p la n a t i o n s. H e b e lieved profoundly in human equality and viewed social evolutionary theories as undermining this position. Thus, while Boas couches his arguments against social evolution in methodological terms, his ultimate reasons for making such arguments are deeply held moral convictions. The Methods of Ethnology, Franz Boas 123 are essentially forms of classification of the static phenomena of culture according to two distinct principles, and interpretations of these classifications as of historical significance, without, however, any attempt to prove that this interpretation is justifiable. To give an example: It is observed that in most parts of the world there are resem blances between decorative forms that are representative and others that are more or less geometrical. According to the evolutionary point of view, their development is explained in the following manner: the decorative forms are arranged in such order that the most representative forms are placed at the beginning. The other forms are so placed that they show a gradual transition from representative forms to purely conventional geometric forms. This order is then interpreted as meaning that geometric designs originated from representative designs which gradually degenerated. This method has been pursued, for instance, by Putnam, Stolpe, Balfour, and Haddon, and by Verworn and, in his earlier writings, by von den Steinen. While I do not mean to deny that this development may have occurred, it would be rash to generalize and to claim that in every case the classification which has been made according to a definite principle represents an historical development. The order might as well be reversed and we might begin with a simple geometric element which, by the addition of new traits, might be developed into a representative design, and we might claim that this order represents an historical sequence. Neither the one nor the other theory can be established without actual historical proof. The simple fact that in these areas elements occur that may be interpreted as eyes, induced him to assume that both have a common origin, without allowing for the possibility that the pattern in the two a r e a s - e a c h of which shows highly distinctive characteristicsmay have developed from independent sources. In this attempt Schurtz followed Ratzel, who had already tried to establish connections between Melanesia and Northwest America on the basis of other cultural features. While ethnographical research based on these two fundamental hypotheses seems to characterize the general tendency of European thought, a different method is at present pursued by the majority of American anthropologists. The difference between the two directions of study may perhaps best be summarized by the statement that American scholars are primarily interested in the dynamic phenomena of cultural change, and try to elucidate cultural history by the application of the results of their studies; and that they relegate the solution of the ultimate question of the relative importance of parallel-ism of cultural development in distant areas, as against worldwide diffusion, and stability of cultural traits over long periods to a future time when the actual conditions of cultural change are better known. It may seem to the distant observer that American students are engaged in a mass of detailed investigations without much bearing upon the solution of the ultimate problems of a philosophic history of human civilization. I think this interpretation of the American attitude would be unjust because the ultimate questions trained. The particular issue of cultural change with which they were concerned was the acculturation and disappearance of Native American groups. They may, however, be observed in every phenomenon of acculturation in which foreign elements are remodeled according to the patterns prevalent in their new environment, and they may be found in the peculiar local developments of widely spread ideas and activities. The reason why the study of inner development has not been taken up energetically is not due to the fact that from a theoretical point of view it is unimportant, it is rather due to the inherent methodological difficulties.

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In 1985 I conducted a series of semistructured interviews with four neighbors (two male erectile dysfunction psychological treatment techniques generic cialis extra dosage 50mg online, two female) and six union and management employees (all male) of a batch-processing chemical plant in Cranston erectile dysfunction over 50 order cialis extra dosage 200mg without a prescription, Rhode Island occasional erectile dysfunction causes order 50 mg cialis extra dosage with amex. Over the course of six to seven lengthy interview sessions we talked about the Ciba-Geigy controversy erectile dysfunction wife generic cialis extra dosage 60 mg without prescription, the role of business in American society, current events, general political and economic questions, and their own work experiences and life histories. The first five interview sessions with each person 6 387 were very loosely structured around a common set of topics that got covered sooner or later with each interviewee. In the sixth interview session I asked a series of open-ended but standardized questions about our social system. The men are all native Rhode Islanders in their forties or fifties, are married and have children, had between nine and twelve years of schooling, and have (or had-some are now retired) skilled or semiskilled blue-collar occupations. All are white and their ethnic backgrounds cover the four most common Rhode Island ethnic groups: ItalianAmerican, French-Canadian, Irish, and Yankee. At one point I asked (one at a time): " What things keep people from getting ahead in the world? Here Strauss tells readers how her data were collected, through semistructured interviews. Although cognitive anthropologists do not discuss data in terms of "domains" or "thinking like natives," they are just as dependent on linguistics and the structured interview as the ethnoscientists of the 1950s and 1960s. Practitioners of this school of thought interview subjects and create cultural models of how their informants think about the world just as the ethnoscientists of the 1950s attempted to create models of native thought. One difference is that the ethnoscientists tended to just identify categories of classifications, whereas cognitive anthropologists understand schemas as processors of information and examine how schemas motivate behavior. Your kids going to school now, pump gas and work at hamburger places and everything else, trying to save a few bucks, help pay their way to college, anyway. You start off as a helper, you become good, you become a journeyman-have to work hard at it. Every man but one spoke at some point as if he were aware that he might be judged by the criteria of the success model and found wanting. Daniel Collins [responding to "Anybody can get ahead if they just work hard enough"]: I strongly agree with that. I believe if you put nn r renrt intn nvr1,ttiravrn van ran flat nhnnrl Irrct [like] myself, where I have to put the effort into learning, again. Schemas as Motives Reconsidered, Claudia Strauss my own family-a lot of elaborate things perhaps. We always were the last one in the, in my group that I grew up with or went to school with, to have a new car. And Irene and I would probably not get to go to the movies or go out to dinner as often as the others did, but our children never went without. And we look back on it now with the others that did afford, could afford themselves nightclubs and, and restaurants and new cars. Probably he was starting to say that even though he dropped out after the ninth grade, he still made a fairly good living. But then he stopped, perhaps realizing that most people would not say that he has made a good living, would not judge him to have been successful in those terms. Lovett pauses, then corn8 389 pletes the thought by saying that he was successful at raising his family. It may be that he actually is embarrassed to be a working man or it might be something more complicated-that he anticipates that I will look down on him and so talks about himself and his fellow workers from what he imagines is my point of view, which is not one he shares necessarily. Like Conklin in the 1950s, Strauss is still dependent on drawing models of thought from what her informants say, but ultimately this record is incomplete. It is axiomatic in anthropology that what people say is often different from what they do, and the moods and thoughts of informants shift. Gauvin presented his life history as a success story, stressing how he overcame a physical handicap, learned a trade, and was able to support his family fairly well through a strategic series of job moves when he was young. He said that when he was young, his friends never knew where he was working, because if he learned he could make a few more dollars some-where else, he would be there. Even after he had settled in at Ciba-Geigy, he persistently applied for the position of lead man in his department in an effort to get ahead. Jim Lovett, like George Gauvin, learned a trade so that he could make more money than an unskilled worker would. Unlike Gauvin, however, Lovett stayed at a job that did not pay especially well and did not pursue promotions. He considered but decided against moving to another state where his skills would have brought a higher income, because he and his wife felt they should remain near their aging parents.

It also helps the couple to determine the most fertile period erectile dysfunction doctors in memphis tn buy cialis extra dosage 40mg overnight delivery, if the cycle is irregular erectile dysfunction differential diagnosis purchase cialis extra dosage 200 mg visa. However medication that causes erectile dysfunction cialis extra dosage 100mg free shipping, it has to be maintained for longer periods during management of ovulation induction impotence reasons and treatment cialis extra dosage 40 mg with mastercard. It is started 2­3 days before the expected surge depending upon the cycle length). Endometrial biopsy Endometrial tissues to detect ovulation (endometrial sampling) can easily be obtained as an outpatient procedure using instruments such as Sharman curette or Pipelle endometrial sampler. Dilatation and curettage is, however reserved in cases where bulk endometrial study is required as in endometrial tuberculosis. Barrier contraceptive should be prescribed during the cycle to prevent accidental conception. Findings: Evidences of secretory activity of the endometrial glands in the second half of the cycle give not only the diagnosis of ovulation but can predict the functional integrity of the corpus luteum. Subnuclear vacuolation is the earliest evidence appearing 36­48 hours following ovulation. Cause: the secretory changes are due to the action of progesterone on the estrogen primed endometrium. It is particularly helpful for confirmation of ovulation following ovulation induction, artificial insemination, and in vitro fertilization. The features of recent ovulation are collapsed follicle and fluid in the pouch of Douglas. Endometrial biopsy-Biopsy done on 25­27th day of the period reveals the endometrium at least 3 days out of phase (Example: If the biopsy is done on 25th day of cycle, the endometrial changes observed correspond to the day 22). Serum progesterone estimated on 8th day following ovulation is less than 10 ng/mL. Diagnosis: In the presence of biologic effects of progesterone in the early luteal phase: i. Ovarian biopsy: Conclusive proof is determination of ovum amidst the structure of corpus luteum. Direct laParoscoPy: Laparoscopic visualization of recent corpus luteum or detection of the ovum from the tUbal factors (table 16. It is done after male factor and ovulatory functions have been found normal or corrected. It should be done in the postmenstrual phase at least 2 days after stoppage of menstrual bleeding. Observations: the patency of the tube is confirmed by: (1) fall in the pressure when raised beyond 120 mm Hg, (2) hissing sound heard on auscultation on either iliac fossa and (3) shoulder pain experienced by the patient (irritation of the diaphragm by the air). Drawbacks: In about one-third of cases, it gives false-negative findings due to cornual spasm. It can reveal any abnormality in the uterus (congenital or acquired like synechiae, fibroid). When done in the secretory phase, recent corpus luteum may be seen and endometrial biopsy can be taken in the same sitting. The catheter balloon is inflated at the level of the cervix to prevent fluid leak. Ultrasound can follow the fluid through the tubes up to the peritoneal cavity and in the pouch of Douglas. Falloposcopy is to study the entire length of tubal lumen with the help of a fine and flexible fiberoptic device. It helps direct visualization of tubal ostia, mucosal pattern, intratubal polyps, or debris. Salpingoscopy: Tubal lumen is studied introducing a rigid endoscope through the fimbrial end of the tube. Uterine factor: Uterine factors commonly associated with subfertility are submucus fibroids (see p.

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